Day: November 6, 2022

The Central Committee of Sudanese Doctors (CCSD) announced yesterday that 74 people were injured during Thursday’s demonstrations, including three people wounded by live bullets, and one case of a protester being ran over by a junta vehicle.

In a report made by the CCSD, it stated that 11 people suffered tear gas related head injuries, two of which reportedly sustained skull fractures.

According to the committee, 53 people were injured in Khartoum, 17 in Omdurman, and four in the East Nile region.

Detainees

Sudan’s Emergency Lawyers stated that eight detainees, six of them being minors, are in the process of being released following their participation in Thursday’s demonstrations in Omdurman.

According to the detainees, they reported that they were tortured and beat with sticks, in addition to having all their personal belongings stolen.

The lawyers stated that the six underage detainees would be handed over to their parents, whilst the other two would have to be released under the ordinary due process.

Source: Radio Dabanga

In Sudan, armed groups and supporters of the military’s coup last year have formed a new political coalition to appeal to marginalized groups. Calling itself the “Forces for Freedom and Change – Democratic Bloc (FFC-DB),” the pro-coup group wants to replace the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) group, which has opposed military rule.

The political grouping includes several of Sudan’s pro-military groups, including Freedom and Change – National Consensus, the Democratic Unionist Party, and the Beja High Council.

The group calls itself the “Forces for Freedom and Change–Democratic Bloc (FFC-DB),” a name similar to the Forces for Freedom and Change, which led demonstrations that helped oust former president Omar al-Bashir in 2019 and more recently has led protests against military rule.

The alliance, announced Thursday, says it favors a civilian-led transitional government but opposes renegotiation of the 2020 Juba Peace Agreement.

That agreement aims to bring Sudanese armed groups that signed it into the transitional government. But critics note some groups were left out of the deal, which does not require disarming until after elections.

Jibril Ibrahim is Sudan’s finance minister and leader of the Justice and Equality Movement, one of the armed groups that signed the Juba Peace Agreement and that joined the new coalition.

Speaking to reporters Thursday in Khartoum, he said no party should dominate the democratic process in Sudan.

He says we are not claiming perfection and don’t claim that this coalition is coming from heaven. “However, we are ready to present our vision to others and to listen to other opinions. At the same time, we will not accept any party to use its agenda as a veto right against any Sudanese political component,” he said.

Sudan’s military coup in October 2021 was widely condemned internationally and inside Sudan, where near weekly protests since have called for democracy.

Security forces have responded with tear gas and live bullets that Sudanese doctors say have killed about 120 protesters.

The military’s leader General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan in July said the army would not take part in talks to break the political stalemate. He called on civilian political groups to agree the way forward, which he said the military would support.

Nuraddeen Salahuddeen, a member of the Forces for Freedom and Change, dismissed the pro-coup alliance as adding nothing to Sudan’s political stalemate.

He says every political party has a right to form any coalition that will meet their interests. “But what is most important to us, is what is the stance of these coalitions on the Sudanese revolution and civilian democratic transition?” he added.

While blocs supporting the protesters are wary of the new coalition’s pro-military stance, some analysts say it could provide a middle ground in a very polarized Sudan.

Sudanese writer Mekki El Mograbi says the so-called Forces for Freedom and Change –Democratic Bloc could win over some marginalized groups.

He says if they come up with a proper political agenda, groups in the war-torn regions of Darfur, the Nuba Mountains, Blue Nile, and eastern Sudan might rally behind them.

“The new bloc has real political weight in the marginalized areas in Sudan and the Forces of Freedom and Change, the central council, they failed to represent the marginalized areas properly,” he said.

Inter-communal conflicts have been on the rise in Darfur, Kordufan, Blue Nile and eastern Sudan, leaving hundreds of people dead and thousands of families displaced.

Meanwhile in the capital, that stand-off continues as pro-democracy protesters demand an end to military rule and political parties wrangle for a deal to form a civilian-led transitional government.

Source: Voice of America

KHARTOUM/JUBA— Sudan and South Sudan are finally on the way to reaching an agreement on the final status of Abyei, the disputed oil-rich region on the border between the two countries.

A week-long meeting by two committees in Khartoum last week came up with an interim report that will form the basis of the final status of Abyei, a region that has remained undetermined for 17 years since the signing of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement.

The committees led by Sudan’s Sovereign Council, Mohammed Hamdan Dagalo, and South Sudan’s security advisor, Tut Gatluak Manime, agreed on seven areas that will determine the issue Abyei, whose uncertain status resulted in years of conflict between the Ngok Dinka of South Sudan and Misseriya of Sudan.

According to Dafallah Al Hajj Ali, the Undersecretary in Sudan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the two sides will initially provide citizen services to the people, form a team to provide humanitarian aid and work on a long-term solution through dialogue.

The committees agreed to determine the status of Abyei based on the two previous agreements — the 2005 Abyei Protocol and the 2009 ruling by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague.

The Abyei Protocol — commonly known as the Machakos Protocol — the residents of the Abyei have been declared, on an interim basis, to be simultaneously citizens of Sudan’s West Kordofan State and South Sudan’s Northern Bahr el-Ghazal State until Abyei’s permanent status is determined to vide referendum.

The disputed Abyei region was supposed to hold a simultaneous referendum with South Sudan in January 2011 to decide whether they want to belong to Sudan or South Sudan, but, South Sudan and Sudan have failed to reach an agreement on who can vote in the referendum.

Khartoum had demanded the participation of the Misseriya pastoralists who come to the north of Abyei to graze their herds and for water in River Kiir during the dry seasons, but Juba had objected arguing that the Misseriya who belong to Sudan are not permanent residents of the region.

A member of the Abyei Intellectuals, Dr. Luka Biong, said that the final solution to the disputed area depends primarily on the previous references and agreements and any other new mechanisms will not work.

The 2009 PCA ruling, on the other hand, ceded 10,000 square km including key oilfields of Heglig and Bamboo to Sudan. Khartoum had maintained ownership of these areas that had been transferred to South Sudan by the 2005 peace agreement.

They also agreed to initiate dialogue between the Ngok Dinka and the Misseriya to foster peace and reconciliation and improve security.

The Ngok Dinka has been under attack from the Misseriya in the north, and the Twic from Warrap State in the South — in a historical conflict that’s over 50 years.

The conflict between the Ngok Dinka and Misseriya started way back in 1905 when the British transferred the region from Bahr-al-Ghazal Province in southern Sudan to Kordofan Province in the North. Over the years, these two communities have been fighting over land and pasture claimed by both communities.

According to Akol Miyen Kuol, the author of Sudan: Understanding the Oli-Rich Region of Abyei, there is a need to put more pressure on Sudan and South Sudan because they must come up with the final status of Abyei once and for all.

“The Nine Ngok Dinka Chieftains of Abyei, mainly, should continue putting pressure on the two countries as they cannot wait indefinitely for the final status of their region,” said Kuol.

However, the two committees failed to discuss the issue of the referendum, which is fundamental in the final status of Abyei because it will give the area residents the chance to decide whether they want to belong to South Sudan or Sudan.

Frustrated by the delay in settling the status of Abyei, the Ngok Dinka in 2013 unilaterally decided to hold their own referendum in which the Abyei residents voted 90 percent have Abyei to join South Sudan. However, the African Union, Juba, and Khartoum refused to recognize the results since it was done outside the 2005 peace agreement.

In 2011 when Abyei failed to hold the referendum, the United Nations established the Interim Security Force for Abyei (UNISFA) to check against violence and escalating tensions. The UNISFA is authorized to use force in protecting civilians and humanitarian workers in Abyei.

Source: Nam news Network

The Democratic Unionist Party is on the verge of splitting because of the rampant divergences between its two vice-presidents, Mohamed-Alhassan and Gaffar, on the way forward to restore the civilian-led transition in Sudan.

On November 3, 2022, Gaffar officially struck a deal with the armed groups supporting the coup of the National Consensus Forces (NCF) calling to maintain the civilian-military partnership under the 2019 constitutional declaration. While his brother Alhassan supports the draft transitional constitution forged by the Sudanese Bar Association and backed by the Forces for Freedom and Changes (FFC).

This development portends the most dangerous fissures that may not only affect the party, but the unity of the Khatmiyya religious sect, which is the electoral basis of the second-largest political force in Sudan.

12 years of disagreements

The differences between Mohamed Osman al-Mirghani’s two sons surfaced in 2010. At the time, Alhassan led a current within the party hostile to reconciliation with the regime of ousted President Omer al-Bashir. However, Jaafar had the blessing of his father and the support of the most important figures of the DUP. The move made him the most likely candidate to succeed his ailing father.

By 2015, under growing pressure, Alhassan reversed his position towards the Bashir regime and supported the party’s participation in the elections. As a result; the party won a number of constituencies, according to arrangements with the then-ruling National Congress Party.

Siblings struggle

Speaking on Blue Nile’s TV in a talk show aired last week, Adel Abdo a journalist close to the DUP circles, revealed that there is a serious conflict between Gaffar and Alhassan over the succession of the party’s leader Mohamed-Osman al-Mirghani.

One of the party’s historic leading members who requested anonymity told Sudan Tribune that it is obvious to everyone that there is a dispute over al-Mirghani’s succession and the party’s chairmanship.

“It can be said that the dispute is over who will succeed al-Mirghani, but its effect within the family itself is the crux of the matter. The two say that they are commissioned and deputy to their father.”

Supporters

While Gaffar is supported by several figures in the party including Bukari al-Jaali, Hatim Elsir, and Babkir Abdel-Rahman, Alhassan is supported by the DUP youth who agree with the FFC’s position.

The youth support Alhassan’s return to his old anti-Islamist and anti-military position and support the draft transitional constitution that calls for the army’s withdrawal from politics and the formation of a civilian transitional government.

Sources close to the DUP, Alhassan Al-Mirghani, who returned to Khartoum on October 31, had been approached by the United States and Saudi Arabia to back the ongoing process between the military and political forces of the FFC coalition.

According to a statement extended to Sudan Tribune, Alhassan met with U.S. Ambassador to Khartoum John Godfrey on November 4, 2022. During the meeting, he welcomed the efforts of the international community and the Trilateral Mechanism to support a negotiated settlement to end the political crisis in the country.

On November 1, he met with the Trilateral Mechanism where he expressed his support for the draft constitution of the Sudanese Bar Association as a basis to form a transitional government.

All these public statements indicate the wide gap in the positions of the two rivals towards the coup and ways to settle the political stalemate.

Popular reception

Osama Hassouna a leading figure in the DUP began his statements to Sudan Tribune by pointing to the huge crowds that gathered at the Khartoum airport to welcome Alhassan al-Mirghani upon his return to the country on October 31.

When asked about the DUP’s position towards the current political alliances, Hassouna asserted that his party is not part of the FFC Democratic Block coalition established between Gaffar al-Mirghani, the NCF of Minni Minnawi and JEM Gibril Ibrahim on November 4.

He further added that the DUP leader Mohamed Osman al-Mirghani dissolved the party’s organs, formed a steering committee under his chairmanship and appointed Alhassan al-Mirghani as his deputy.

Attempts to control the party

On November 1, Hisham al-Zain DUP General Supervisor decided to suspend the activity of the Secretary of the Political Sector, Ibrahim al-Mirghani, due to his repeated violation of the party’s constitution, regulations and general line, according to al-Zain.

Ibrahim, who is allied to his uncle Alhassan, immediately issued a statement to deny his suspension, in another indication of the escalating dispute between the brothers over the party’s leadership.

Al-Zain who sides with Gaffar al-Mirghani told Sudan Tribune that the suspension was motivated by his participation in the meeting with the tripartite mechanism with Alhassan al-Mirghani to support a draft constitution that “the party rejects”, he stressed.

Egyptian role

A DUP leading member close to Gaffer al-Mirghani disclosed to Sudan Tribune that the latter was under Egyptian pressure to support the military component and the new alliance with the pro-coup armed groups dubbed the FFC – Democratic Bloc.

The participation of the Egyptian Ambassador to Khartoum Hossam Issa in the signing ceremony of the new alliance was very remarkable, as he was the only Ambassador to attend the event.

The DUP official who declined to disclose his name further said that al-Burhan during his meeting with Mohamed Osman al-Mirgahni on March 31, 2022, requested DUP support for the “October 25 measures”.

It is worth mentioning that Gaffar led a delegation that handed over a letter to al-Burhan on April 21, 2022. The official media, at the time, reported that the message dealt with the DUP’s position on how to end the political crisis.

According to the source, al-Burhan requested the Egyptian government to persuade Gaffar to support the October 25 coup and to join a future coalition involving armed groups and some parties backing him. In return, the head of the military component pledged to allocate several ministerial positions in the transitional government and to speed up elections, in line with the DUP political line.

Loss of an ally

By signing the FFC Democratic Bloc, Gaffer al-Mirghani lost one of his most important allies, DUP political secretary Ibrahim al-Mirghani who calls for a separate initiative to be led by his party, instead of joining the armed groups allied with the coup leaders.

DUP sources pointed out that Ahmed Saad Omer a leadership member and former minister of Cabinet Affairs during the former regime coordinated the new alliance with the armed groups, and asked Gaffer to silence the voices rejecting the coalition, before signing it.

Nonetheless, despite the intensity of the dispute between al-Mirghani’s sons, some voices argue that the matter is nothing more than an “exchange of roles” to ensure a foothold for the party in the next phase of the political process.

The detractors add that this was the case during the era of the ousted al-Bashir, the DUP leaders were constantly divided into two camps.

Such a configuration guarantees the party’s representation in any future equation, they stressed.

DUP reunification

Political analyst Mohamed Idris asserts that the two different positions of Alhassan and Gaffer may reduce the chances of long-awaited unity among the unionists.

Idris added that the differences made the party earlier lose cadres, who were working to build a solid party similar to the largest political parties in the region.

He underscored that the powers struggle has alienated youth cadres from the party such as Babikir Faisal, Mohamed al-Faki Suleiman, and Mohamed Nagy al-Asam among others who turned their back definitively to the party and formed the Unionist Alliance.

Source: Sudan Tribune