Day: October 26, 2022

The Sudanese Journalists Syndicate (SJS) said yesterday that the press and media in Sudan have faced unprecedented targeting since the October 2021 coup.

In a statement on the occasion of the first anniversary of a coup that derailed Sudan’s transition to civilian rule, the SJS said that the press and media in Sudan have been facing “a terrible regression in terms of press freedom”.

Authorities blocked internet access nationwide yesterday, echoing actions taken last year during the coup. At the time, the Journalists Association for Human Rights (JAHR) said that “cutting off the Internet, among its many economic and social damages… deprives every one of the right to benefit from the Internet… and prevents freedom of expression.”

“The Sudanese press suffers from oppression, threats, brutal beatings, revenge attacks, summons and detentions, in addition to raids of press offices, destruction of equipment, and obscene verbal abuse against men and women journalists and photographers in an unprecedented way since the military coup,” said the newly-reformed union. SJS also affirmed its support for the Sudanese people’s calls for restoring freedom and democracy.

Earlier this month, SJS condemned the “blatant violation and interference that stifles freedom of opinion and expression and freedom of the press” in Sudan, after a journalist allegedly received death threats from a member of the Rapid Support Forces.

“Sudanese authorities continue to harass and make it difficult for journalists to do their work in Sudan,” said the African Center for Justice and Peace Studies (ACJPS) in a statement on September 25. In the statement, the organisation explained that “reform does not mean duplicating policies of the former regime, but rather creating a strategic reform process.”

Sudan is ranked 151 out of 180 in the World Press Freedom Index, and is ranked as 29 out of 100, i.e. ‘Not Free’, in Freedom House’s Internet Freedom Index. “Anti-journalist predators enjoy total impunity and are protected by the authorities,” according to Reporters Without Borders. On its website, the organisation states that “journalists are working in a worsening climate of violence” since the military coup d’état of October 25, 2021.

Source: Radio Dabanga

At least 70,000 people have been displaced from Sudan’s Blue Nile state as a result of inter-tribal conflict since mid-July, the International Organization for Migration Displacement Tracking Matrix (IOM-DTM) indicates.

The displaced are currently sheltering in the neighbouring Sennar, White Nile state.

Blue Nile state had seen tribal clashes over land disputes in July, and a flare up in September, resulting in 149 people killed earlier this month, the United Nations said.

That violence was renewed on October 13, with fighting involving the Hausa and Hamaj tribes in addition to others in the Wad Almahi area over several days.

Since inter-communal violence reignited in Blue Nile’s Wad Al Mahi area on 13 October, fighting has reportedly continued in the Dam towns and the situation remains tense.

“On 24 October, the situation in Ed Damazine town remained unpredictable and

protesters blocked the main road between Ed Damazine and Khartoum. On 23 October, protestors marched to the Governor’s (Wali) office and burned parts of it,” the UN said.

“As a result, three people were reportedly killed,” it added.

On the same day, conflict and violence were reported in Dam town 8 and 9 in the Geisan locality, and at least 4,000 people were displaced to Ed Damazine town and are reportedly sheltering in three schools and one youth centre in the south of the town.

The conflict and violence spread to Kurmuk locality, where protesters reportedly burned down government buildings supporting the demonstrations in Ed Damazine town.

Unconfirmed reports indicate that some 250 people were killed and over 572 injured, while many homes were burnt down in the Dam towns. Some 7,000 people were reportedly displaced to the Ar Rusayris locality on October 20 and are currently taking refuge in school buildings.

Source: Sudan Tribune

Jamal Nasir, Minister of Health of Blue Nile state, reported that the number of victims during the recent clashes has risen to 233 dead, and 217 wounded, many of them suffering from burns.

“This kind of violence is new to the region. Even during the civil war, family homes were not torched in this way,” he told Radio Dabanga yesterday.

He said that the rescue teams have not been able to reach all the victims. “There are many injured who have not been treated yet, and we have been unable to remove all the dead.” According to a Radio Dabanga interview with Ramadan Yasin, Commissioner for Humanitarian Aid in the region, on Sunday, it is unclear how many people have died in Medina 3 in the Wad El Mahi governorate as security forces have been unable to enter the area so far.

Hospital transfers

The Health Minister called on the federal government to collaborate with the Blue Nile state Health Ministry, after one of ten seriously wounded who were transferred to Khartoum hospitals was reported dead.?He said that the wounded should be brought to the Sudanese capital by air ambulance instead of by road, as the road is poor quality and the distance to Khartoum is too far.

Regional hospitals in Sudan are hardly equipped for treating serious wounds. Even first aid departments lack medical supplies. Seriously wounded patients are almost always transferred to Khartoum, if possible.

The hospitals of Ed Damazin and El Roseires are not only overcrowded with wounded people, but are unable to cope with the serious burns. Ezzeldin Adam Suleiman, Director of the Ministry of Social Welfare and Head of the High Emergency Committee in Blue Nile state, told Radio Dabanga on Sunday that the conditions in the hospitals exceed the capabilities of the Blue Nile state Ministry of Health.

Further displacement

Nasir stated further that about 50,000 people have fled to Ed Damazin and El Roseires after the latest attacks. Many are suffering from malaria, typhoid, anaemia, and heavy colds.?

He called on the federal government and relief organizations to provide shelter materials, food, and medicines.

The Sudanese Humanitarian Aid Commission reported that at least 13,000 families fled from Wad El Mahi to Ed Damazin and neighbouring El Roseires since Sunday evening because of the violence.

Blue Nile state violence

In Wad El Mahi, near El Roseires in Blue Nile state, inter-communal violence renewed on October 13. According to unconfirmed reports, two people from El Hamaj tribe were killed in a land dispute which led to clashes between the Hausa* community and other tribes.

In an interview with Radio Dabanga last week, Suleiman confirmed the authenticity of images circulated on social media regarding the burned and charred bodies, stating that “a large number of homes were burned during the clashes”.

As a result of the conflict, the governor of Blue Nile state issued a decree prohibiting the movement of civilans driving lorries within big parts of Wad El Mahi locality. “This restriction to freedom of movement prevents people from seeking safety and accessing life-saving services, thereby endangering their right to life,” OCHA states.

Governor Ahmed El Omda declared a 30-day state of emergency in Blue Nile state in a press conference on Saturday, one day before demonstrations broke out in the state capital, Ed Damazin, calling for his dismissal.

The violence that erupted in mid-July between El funj, Berta, El Hamaj and Hausa in the northern part of Blue Nile state left at least 105 people dead and caused thousands to flee to the state’s capital Ed Damazin and safe parts of El Roseires, flared up in September as well. At least 24 people were killed as the violence resurfaced. At least 149 people died before October 6, according to OCHA.

Source: Radio Dabanga

Since July 2022, the Funj and Hausa tribes have been engaged in a bloody conflict, which escalated in September before reaching an unprecedented level in October 2022.

Over 155 people were killed and thousands were displaced during the recent round of violence in the Wad Al Mahi area. The

However, Obaid Abu Shotal, the leader of Hamaj or Funj groups say the Hausa coexist with them for more than 80 years now without problems. He points an accusing finger at some political leaders saying they stand behind the eruption of these bloody attacks that ravaged the region during the last three months.

Abu Shotal recently stated that the conflict aimed to “displace the indigenous people in order to exploit their resources,” alluding to the economic ambitions of some leaders.

Factors that fueled conflict:

The inter-communal clashes erupted due to the Funj rejection to establish a tribal chiefdom for the Hausa. This structure, which would be sanctioned by the regional authority, would enable them to have their own territory in the region and enhance their economic and political influence. The indigenous Funj components oppose the establishment of a Hausa’s Nazarah (chiefdom) saying such a prerogative should not be granted to immigrants who originate from Nigeria.

Also, the split of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North in 2017, and the power struggle between Abdel Aziz al-Hilu and Malik Agar to control the Blue Nile Area has fueled the animosity against the Hausa who are also accused of siding with the former regime.

“The bloody conflict that the region witnessed recently was fueled by political elements, there is no doubt about that,” Babikir Hassan Gadrmari, a professor at the International University of Africa, a Hausa born in Ad Damazin in 1948.

After the signing of the Juba Peace Agreement in October 2020, the Funj component who fought alongside Agar in the region started to express frustration when they saw that Agar and Governor Ahmed Alomda appoint the Angassana at the expense of the other components. Abu Shotal in one of the latest statements claimed to be given 70% of the regional government positions.

According to Gadrmari the antagonism against Agar increased after the peace agreement.

“The Angassana group to which Agar belonged did not have a significant presence in the ranks of the army of the SPLM-N led by Agar. Besides being a minority (in the region), its members are peaceful and do not tend to fight. So, the majority of the movement’s army was from the other Funj components, but today they feel injustice and say that the gains of the peace agreement went to the Anqassana. This (bitterness) increased the anger against Agar.”

“The decline in Agar popularity among the Funj led him to forge political alliances with the other groups in the region n order to create a broader social base,” further stressed Gadrmari.

How did disputes erupt between Agar and Abu Shotal?

After the military coup (October 25, 2021), Agar remained in his position as a member of the Sovereign Council based on the Juba Peace agreement and rejected calls to resign in support of the civilian rule. Further, he developed a good relationship with the coup leaders Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and Mohamed Hamdan Daglo “Hemetti”.

Source: Sudan Tribune

The Sudanese military and leaders of the Sudanese Revolutionary Front (SRF) have continued to characterize their relationship in favourable terms despite growing signs of frosty ties between the two sides who are represented in the Transitional Sovereignty Council (TSC).

For starters, the council has not held meetings for months and all decisions are issued by the military side. SRF council members saw their roles limited to issuing on conflicts that break out in regions such as Darfur and Blue Nile.

The lack of full quorum TSC meetings prompted speculations of a breakdown in communication between the military and the ex-rebel leaders.

On October 21, the SRF issued a statement expressing “deep regret” for the renewed violence in the Blue Nile region and West Kordofan in which scores were killed and many more wounded and displaced.

A portion of the statement, however, raised eyebrows because it called on the “central authority” of which SRF is a part of, to intervene urgently to stop the bloodshed.

Banana sit-in: A year ago, and specifically on October 18th 2021, the gates of the Republican Palace were closed coinciding with a sit-in that was nicknamed the “banana sit-in” organized by pro-military groups.

As a result, the sovereign council was unable to meet and a week later the military led by Abdel-Fatah al-Burhan staged a military coup and removed the civilian government of Prime Minister Abdulla Hamdok. The civilian members of the council were removed except the SRF members. Al-Burhan briefly added new civilian members a month after the coup before relieving them last July.

Dysfunctional council: Since last June, the TSC meetings have stopped and sources told {Sudan Tribune} that this was due to sharp differences between the military and SRF leaders relating to measures undertaken since the military coup last year.

One of the sources said that council members are carrying out their duties individually from their offices and any meetings held are on a bilateral basis. Nonetheless, the members have continued to receive their remuneration packages.

The source noted that decisions are often issued in the name of the commander in chief which suggests no consultation with SRF.

Resentment:

Another source who is close to two TSC military members confirmed the chilly relationship for various reasons, most notably because two members of the council al-Hadi Idris and al-Tahir Hajar are at odds with the governor of Darfur Minni Arko Minnawi who is in good terms with the military.

He explained that the relationship is twofold and is linked to specific issues in accordance with the Juba Peace Agreement but differences regarding Darfur have continued to persist.

The source, who requested anonymity, revealed that military members of the Sovereign Council Shams al-Din Kabbashi and Ibrahim Jabir have expressed reservations against Idris and Hajar.

Furthermore, another source told Sudan Tribune that the disagreements are also fueled by having a chunk of the SRF that is closer to the army while a smaller group is closer to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) of Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemetti).

SRF denial:

But Mohamed Zakaria who is the secretary-general of the other SRF faction led by Minni Minnawi described these reports as “baseless” and that their leaders are in their posts in accordance with the Juba peace agreement which is “superior” to the constitutional document of 2019.

“All parties are keen to reach a consensus that establishes a completion of the transitional period,” he added.

Risk factors:

Analysts and international stakeholders worry that any fallout between the two sides may jeopardize the implementation of the Juba peace accord risking a return to war. Political observers on the other hand see such a scenario as a move to bring Sudan into full-blown military rule.

Source: Sudan Tribune