Day: June 30, 2022

The Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences announced the list of artists invited to participate in the 2023 Academy Awards jury.

These included Egyptian musician Hisham Nazih for the soundtrack category.

The list of artists who were invited to join the jury for this year’s Oscars included 397 members.

Eleven artists were invited to join the music category jury, including Billie Eilish, FINNEAS, Amie Doherty, Lili Haydn, Leonardo Heiblum, Natalie Holt, Nathan Johnson, Jacobo Lieberman, Ariel Rose, Dan Romer, Nerida Tyson-Chew, and Hisham Nazih.

Nazih is not the only Arab on the list of invitees, as Jordanian director Murad Abu Eisha appears in the short films and animation category jury.

Recently, Nazih took part in the soundtracks for the “Moon Knight” series, and was praised by the head of Marvel Studios Kevin Feige.

Nazih composed the soundtracks for several films, most notably the “Night of the Nights”, which was produced in 2003 and reached the semi-finalists of the Academy Awards in the category of Best Foreign Language Film.

In 2009, he composed the music for “Ibrahim al-Abyad” movie, the last cinematic work of the late Egyptian actor Mahmoud Abdel Aziz, and the first and second parts of “al-Feel al-Azraa” (The Blue Elephant) movie in 2014 and 2019, based on the novel by Egyptian writer Ahmed Murad.

Nazih had worked on the soundtracks for several famous Egyptian films, such as “al-Asleyeen”, “al-Kinz” and others.

Source: Egypt Independent

Omani Foreign Minister Sayyid Badr al-Busaidi said on Wednesday that the relations between Egypt and the Sultanate of Oman are a model for Arab relations.

In an interview with the Al-Ahram Al-Arabi magazine, Busaidi pointed out that more initiatives and projects will be launched soon with the aim of creating more trade and investment opportunities between the two countries.

Egypt and the Sultanate of Oman have an unshakable stance towards joint Arab action, the top Omani diplomat noted.

He said President Abdel Fattah El Sisi is a dear “brother, friend and a strong partner” not only at the bilateral level, but also at the broader Arab and international levels.

Speaking about the global climate conference, COP27, scheduled to be held in Egypt in November, Busaidi said that his country shares with the international community the responsibility for reaching net-zero carbon emissions.

Source: Egypt Independent

In 2021, Sudan witnessed political unrest, increased intercommunal violence, climate and disease outbreaks, and a generally weak economy with high inflation. This resulted in high levels of food insecurity, curtailed livelihood prospects and weak basic services, affecting vulnerable residents, IDPs and refugees.

Humanitarian partners estimated that about 13.4 million people – almost a third of the population – need humanitarian assistance, according to the Sudan Humanitarian Needs Overview (HNO) 2021. The severity of need increased in 2021. The people in need of emergency assistance for life-threatening needs related to critical physical and mental wellbeing increased substantially over 2021, from 7.3 million to 9.1 million. These increasing numbers show a clear deterioration of the humanitarian situation in Sudan in 2021.

Political situation

In 2021, efforts to advance Sudan’s political transition and peace process continued despite considerable challenges. The economic hardship and the slow pace of the reforms resulted in growing frustration and public protests. Accountability for the violent events related to the 2019 revolution and for the subsequent violent crackdown remained a key demand of protestors. In line with the Juba Peace Agreement (JPA) requirements, Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok reshuffled the Transitional Government in early 2021. The expanded Transitional Government subsequently outlined five priority areas related to socio-economic issues, peace, security, international relations and democratic transition. Throughout the year, political tensions escalated between the civilian and military components of Sudan’s transitional authorities, culminating in a military coup d’état on 25 October, after an attempted failed coup on 21 September. The armed forces detained Prime Minister Hamdok and several civilian officials and political leaders. Amongst other measures, the Commander of the Armed Forces, Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan, announced a state of emergency. Campaigns of civil disobedience and widespread protests rejected the military takeover and called for the establishment of a civilian-led democratic government. On 21 November, a political agreement was signed between Lieutenant General Al-Burhan and the Prime Minister stipulating, among other things, that the 2019 Constitutional Document would continue to form the basis for the transitional period.

Conflict and displacement

In Sudan, the number of people in need has increased to the highest point in the past decade. Large, protracted displacements continue, while returns are limited. Pockets of violence reported in the Darfur region, South Kordofan, Kassala and Red Sea states continue to lead to new displacements, tensions, and increased humanitarian needs. Since the beginning of the year, over 365,000 people have been newly displaced, many of whom were already displaced due to the crisis in Darfur in 2003- 2004 and South Kordofan from 2011 and onwards. Over 3 million displaced people in Darfur and other parts of the country remain in protracted displacement, requiring humanitarian assistance, including protection. The implementation of the Juba Peace Agreement remains slow and recent political uncertainty risks exacerbating existing tensions.

Refugees from the Tigray region in Ethiopia began to arrive in late 2020, totaling over 50,000 people in 2021. This has increased humanitarian needs in the east. Sudan hosts refugees from Chad, Ethiopia South Sudan and other surrounding countries. With over 1.1 million refugees and asylum-seekers, Sudan is the second largest host country in Africa.

Economic crisis

In 2021, Sudan grappled with a worsening economic crisis for the fourth consecutive year. Positive steps, taken to reform the economy, risk being challenged by the 25 October military coup. In addition, high inflation eroded families’ purchasing power even as food prices rose. Together, these increase the likelihood of worsening already high levels of food insecurity and curtailed livelihood prospects, affecting vulnerable residents, IDPs and refugees.

This reduced resilience is expected to continue to drive humanitarian needs in 2022.

Emergency shocks

Sudan remains prone to hazards that include drought, conflict, floods and cyclical disease outbreaks, which drive humanitarian needs and affect thousands each year. In 2021, Approximately 340,000 people were affected by floods across Sudan. The agricultural season has been compromised by low and erratic rainfall in agricultural areas that have considerably affected food security and livelihoods, and nutrition and WASH sectors, which further increases the needs identified in the HNO.

Food insecurity

In 2021, food insecurity continued to increase in areas not traditionally targeted for humanitarian assistance. As a result of conflict and factional fighting in 2021, thousands of IDPs, returnees and resident communities were displaced in the Darfur states, Blue Nile, and South Kordofan states. Families are struggling to meet their basic needs. According to health sector partners, the current level of health personnel staffing can care for 17 per cent of Sudan’s 47.9 million people. The COVID-19 epidemic in its second year, continues to put a strain on the ailing healthcare system. Sudan has lost almost twothirds of the local production capacity of essential medicines, increasing the need for imports. Despite the increase in imported medicines in 2021 compared with 2020, availability remains a critical gap.

Weak basic services

Political unrest continued intercommunal violence and IDP and refugee pressure, climate and disease hazards, and a general economic feeble and uncertain environment all put pressure on an already weak basic services infrastructure. Availability of medicines, and effective distribution of drugs and medicines to clinics and hospitals is a major challenge. Water, sanitation, education, and protection infrastructure and services are similarly weak and worsening.

Given these factors, the health and wellbeing of the population could further deteriorate in the shortterm. As recent political events might divert attention away from much needed solutions and reduce the urgency to invest in the development sector, reliance on humanitarian assistance is likely to increase.

Humanitarian response

Humanitarian assistance continued across Sudan. As of 31 December 2021, over 8.7 million people were reached with some form of assistance. About 5.3 million people received food assistance and 2.8 million people were reached with livelihoods support. 5.4 million people received basic health services, while more than 1.3 million people received access to safe water. Over 490,000 people gained access to sanitation facilities and 2.5 million people reached with hygiene activities. About 280,000 children were treated for severe acute malnutrition. The $1.9 billion Sudan Humanitarian Response Plan for 2021 was funded with $715.8 million, or 37 per cent of requirements.

By the end of 2021, the SHF accounted for approximately 12 per cent of the total Sudan HRP funding (excluding food).

Source: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs

Nearly half of all pregnancies, totalling 121 million worldwide each year, are unintended, explains the State of World Population 2022 report, released at a high-level event to discuss unintended pregnancies as a neglected crisis, in Durban, South Africa on 23 June.

Titled Seeing the Unseen: The case for action in the neglected crisis of unintended pregnancy, the State of World Population 2022 report highlights unintended pregnancies as a global failure of basic human rights. It reveals the scope and impact of unplanned pregnancy on women, girls, households, societies, countries, and global development.

The South African Government’s Department of Social Development in partnership with UNFPA East and Southern Africa launched the report on Thursday, 23 June, at Zimbali Resort Capital Hotel.

“In South Africa, we talk about children who are not even teenagers getting pregnant. Young girls need to have information on contraceptives, so that they can decide on using them,” said South African Minister of Social Development, Ms. Lindiwe Zulu. “Let us strive to be solution orientated in our endeavours to address unintended pregnancies and their associated challenges. We need to be more vigilant in our efforts of reducing gender inequality by empowering women and girls, and the importance of men and young men in this discussion is very important.”

In Southern Africa, 65 per cent of pregnancies between 2015 and 2019 were unintended, and 36 per cent ended in abortion. The predominant cause of unintended pregnancy is sexual activity without the use of effective contraception, through choice or coercion. In many cases, unintended pregnancy is linked to gender-based violence, including early sexual debut that is non-consensual, and child marriage.

“Across the region, a neglected crisis is silently raging. Unintended pregnancies propel millions of women and girls to drop out of school and workforce, with a lifelong impact on their earnings, health and welfare. Unintended pregnancies cost billions of dollars to the health system,” said Dr. Bannet Ndyanabangi, UNFPA Regional Director for East and Southern Africa.

“Achieving the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals requires us to end unmet need for contraception, achieve gender equality and advance bodily autonomy. Because unintended pregnancies prevent women and girls from realizing their potential and enjoying and exercising their rights,” he said.

KwaZulu-Natal Premier, Sihle Zikalala, noted that “the report confirms the powerful developmental case for investing in reproductive rights to reduce unintended pregnancy. It emphasizes that unintended pregnancies are a reflection of overall social development, and higher levels of choice in reproductive decision-making are part of a positive cycle fuelling other development gains.”

Gender inequality and stalled development drive high rates of unintended pregnancies

Globally, an estimated 257 million women who want to avoid pregnancy are not using safe, modern methods of contraception, and where data is available, nearly a quarter of all women are not able to say no to sex. A range of other key factors also contribute to unintended pregnancies, including the lack of sexual and reproductive health care and information, contraceptive options that don’t suit women’s bodies or circumstances, and harmful norms and stigma surrounding women controlling their own fertility and bodies. Also contributing are sexual violence and reproductive coercion, judgmental attitudes or shaming in health services, poverty and stalled economic development, and gender inequality.

All of these factors reflect the pressure societies place on women and girls to become mothers. An unintended pregnancy is not necessarily a personal failure and may be due to the lack of autonomy society allows or the value placed on women’s lives.

The high-level hybrid event was attended by the Premier of KwaZulu-Natal, Mr. Sihle Zikalala; the Minister of Social Development, Ms. Lindiwe Zulu; ministers from the East and Southern Africa region; Member of the Executive Council Social Development, Ms. Nonhlanhla Khoza; and the Speaker of the KZN Provincial Legislature, Ms. Nontembeko Boyce.

Source: United Nations Population Fund

A Britain-based group says its latest study of worldwide free expression rights shows only 15% of the global population lives where people can receive or share information freely.

In its 2022 Global Expression Report, Article19, an international human rights organization, said that in authoritarian nations such as China, Myanmar and Russia, and in democracies such as Brazil and India, 80% of the global population live with less freedom of expression than a decade ago.

The report said authoritarian regimes and rulers continue to tighten control over what their populations see, hear and say.

While mentioning Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin, the report singles out China’s government for “exerting ultimate authority over the identities, information and opinions” of hundreds of millions of people.

The annual report examines freedom of expression across 161 countries using 25 indicators to measure how free each person is to express, communicate and participate in society, without fear of harassment, legal repercussions or violence. It creates a score from zero to 100 for each country.

This year, the report ranks Denmark and Switzerland tops in the world, each with scores of 96. Norway and Sweden each have scores of 94, and Estonia and Finland both scored 93. The study said the top 10 most open nations are European.

Article 19 ranks North Korea as the most oppressive nation in the world with a score of zero. Eritrea, Syria and Turkmenistan had scores of one, and Belarus, China and Cuba had scores of two.

The United States ranked 30th on the scale. In 2011, it was 9th in the world. The U.S. has seen a nine-point drop in its score, putting the country on the lower end of the open expression category. It was globally ranked in the lowest quartile in 2021 in its scores for equality in civil liberties for social groups, political polarization and social polarization, and political violence.

The report said that over the past two decades, there have been more dramatic downward shifts in freedom of expression around the world than at any time. Many of these occur as the result of power grabs or coups, but many more nations have seen an erosion of rights, often under democratically elected populist leaders.

Article 19 takes its name from the article under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which states, “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.”

Source: Voice of America

Welcome to everyone who is tuning in live to Radio Miraya. Let me take the opportunity of introducing my new head of communications Ben Malor.

Last week I briefed the Security Council in New York on developments in South Sudan. It was a good and productive meeting and Council Members engaged on several issues that are of importance to your listeners.

As I told the Security Council, my main concern is that the end of the transitional period is fast approaching, yet progress in implementing the Peace Agreement has been slow. With only eight months remaining, the window of opportunity to implement the key benchmarks is closing.

With that said, I’d like to acknowledge the progress where it has happened. This includes the formation of reconstituted transitional legislatures at national and state level. All speakers have been sworn in and heads of specialised committees appointed.

We’ve witnessed renewed legislative activity and debate. We do, however note with concern the current impasse in parliament and stalled deliberations. I encourage the parties concerned to resolve the outstanding issues and allow resumption of full parliamentary debates in the advancement of key legislation, including the Political Parties Bill, which importantly will allow for political parties to be registered.

I welcome the conclusion of the consultative process for the Commission of Truth, Reconciliation, and Healing, which was carried out in all 10 states with the support of the UN.

There have been other benchmarks achieved, but now what is required is national leadership, dedicated resources for completing the transition, and a visible commitment by South Sudan’s leaders to fulfil their responsibilities under the Peace Agreement. I call on all parties to demonstrate a collective common purpose, unity of purpose, by working together towards the full implementation of the agreement. I encourage the leaders to take the necessary steps for the country to exit its transitional period through the conduct a free, fair, credible, and peaceful elections.

Let me highlight some key areas that, in my opinion, must be prioritized:

First, I’d like to encourage the legislature to resume its sittings and to pass the Constitution Making Process Bill. This will govern the drafting of South Sudan’s permanent constitution and is critical for tackling the root causes of the protracted crisis in South Sudan by addressing issues of governance as well as federal power and revenue sharing.

Secondly, graduation of the Necessary Unified Forces is long overdue. The country must have a fully functioning, truly national security apparatus to ensure a safe and secure environment, but also as a prerequisite for citizens to vote to express their will at the polls.

Thirdly, the parties must work with the National Constitutional Amendment Committee to review the National Elections Act of 2012. This will provide the legislative framework for launching the electoral process and the formation of the National Elections Commission. We expect the compromises necessary for the Transitional National Legislative Assembly to complete its full legislative agenda, at least as contemplated by the Peace Agreement.

Fourthly, I’m urging the Government and all parties to redouble their efforts to agree on a Roadmap—with clear benchmarks, timelines, and priority tasks. This has been jointly called for by the African Union, IGAD, RJMEC, the UN, and other members of the international community.

It is particularly our hope that the parties will announce a formal election timetable.

It’s not only technical arrangements and logistical planning that’s necessary for elections to take place. What is also required is a free and open political environment. This means creating the space for a robust and competitive political process to take place: one that fosters nation building, not only division.

I am mindful that the people of South Sudan — particularly the listeners of Radio Miraya — remain hopeful for a kind of peace that means better days ahead. The impact of delays, however, is manifested in growing frustration across the country. Political defections are on the rise. And I am concerned that the scale of subnational violence is surging — it has spread from north to south, from east to west.

And on that note, I condemn in the strongest terms, the violence in Eastern and Central Equatoria, Unity, Warrap and Jonglei States, as well as around the Abyei Administrative Area.

This year, more than 80 per cent of civilian casualties have been attributed to intercommunal violence and community-based militias. This violence stokes divisions and hampers reconciliation efforts.

I’m deeply troubled by reports that sexual and gender-based violence have surged exponentially — on some accounts rising by as much as 500 per cent since the last time we reported. This impacts most severely on the women and girls who are the mothers, daughters, and sisters of this young nation.

UNMISS is supporting accountability and access to justice for survivors through a range of special and mobile courts — this included the first adjudication of rape trials through a General Court Martial process in Yei, Central Equatoria.

As I always do, let me emphasize that the primary responsibility of protecting civilians lies with the Government of South Sudan, and I urge the Government to bring all perpetrators to justice. This is a key to breaking the cycle of impunity. Those responsible for instigating horrific acts of violence must be held accountable And, in this regard, the recent convictions in the Yei General Court Martial process are an important step forward.

More broadly, the Mission continues to take all measures within our capabilities to provide immediate protection for civilians, to de-escalate tensions, to provide sanctuaries of peace for communities in the hope that they can start to rebuild their communities. Our efforts help to build community confidence and to reconcile fighting parties. They are always conducted in partnership with local authorities and local communities.

Our peacekeepers patrol constantly as we seek to keep communities safe by road, by air, and on water. In this regard, the Mission has continued its mobile operations to protect civilians and mitigate violence by establishing temporary operating bases in conflict hotspots. So far this year, our troops have established 35 such bases and these have helped to reduce overall levels of violence.

We are constantly seeking to innovate our peacekeeping responses. For example, our troops are undergoing training with all-terrain vehicles, which will enable us to reach conflict-prone areas more swiftly, irrespective of the weather, season, or road conditions.

Beyond patrolling and establishing bases, UNMISS has also been supporting communities by building dykes to mitigate the damage from floodwaters by maintaining road infrastructure; in establishing police stations, clinics, prisons, and schools; supporting the delivery of food and medicine — all while advising and mentoring our partners as they establish government structures.

Furthermore, we’ve destroyed some 20,000 items of unexploded ordnance and cleared nearly 2,000 kilometres of roads, making movements safe for community members, peacekeepers, as well as humanitarians. This work has rendered 10 schools alone safe for children to be educated.

I believe these are important interventions, as South Sudan navigates its way from war to lasting peace.

Yet, a stark reality faced by many people is that climate change coupled with conflict and food insecurity has created a humanitarian crisis of giant proportions. Flooding has displaced tens of thousands across the country.

And I personally have witnessed firsthand the effects of the floods on the flood-affected populations of Bentiu — and it is truly heartbreaking.

Our peacekeepers are working overtime in responding to these challenges. We are partnering with humanitarians to facilitate the delivery of aid supplies to conflict-affected communities in Kapoeta and Torit in Eastern Equatoria; Lainya in Central Equatoria; Yambio in Western Equatoria; Pibor, Gadiang, Pajut and Akobo in Jonglei; Leer in Unity, and Maban in Upper Nile.

But as needs grow with competing crises across the world, funds are diminishing. International partners are financially stretched, leading to shortfalls in funding. Less than 30 per cent of the $1.7 billion required for an adequate humanitarian response has been received. Our humanitarian colleagues are having to prioritize or reprioritize the assistance they are providing to the most vulnerable.

All of this means that the gravity of the situation requires South Sudan’s leaders to galvanize their efforts towards peace, development, and prosperity. As ever, the UN stands ready and willing to support — upon the invitation of, and in partnership with the Government.

With that, I thank you for listening today on the occasion of Radio Miraya’s 16th anniversary, I’m now ready to take any questions you may have.

Thank you.

Q & A:

MEDIA: You have said a lot of things and elections are one of the top issues you have highlighted. So it’s now six months remaining for elections to take place, but there are no signs of the possibility for these elections to happen. What do you recommend to the parties to the Peace Agreement to do in this period of time?

Do you think, even if there is willingness for parties to commit themselves within the remaining six months, the country is really psychologically prepared for elections?

What is so urgent that the country needs to focus on regarding the elections?

SRSG: Let me take that question and then it may generate more answers.

I think elections are important; in part because this is what South Sudanese themselves agreed to when they signed the Peace Agreement. They agreed to hold elections, and as I understand it, they were putting an emphasis on the establishment of a legitimate, popularly supported government which had the support of the people of South Sudan and would be accountable to the people of South Sudan eventually.

Of course, that doesn’t answer the question as to whether elections have to take place within the next six months, but we note that was what was originally contemplated by South Sudanese when they drafted the Peace Agreement.

In my view, and I think — as you correctly suggest and as the time continues to run — the possibility for those elections becomes less and less feasible. So, in my view, there is still the possibility if the parties were to work together to create both the technical conditions which are required for an election, in other words, to agree on the laws, and if there was common purpose and a common will, that could be done relatively expeditiously.

If, on the other hand, there’s no common will, it’s going to be more and more difficult to meet the finishing line in time. And as I mentioned in my opening remarks, I am conscious that it’s not only technical preparations. This would be a difficult country to hold elections from a perspective of logistics: delivery of ballot papers, collection of ballot papers, tallying your ballot papers, the provision of all the civic and other education, which is required, the proper monitoring of the elections, so it wouldn’t be easy in South Sudan. But it could be done if everyone wanted to go ahead and do it. And if I wanted to compare or show an example, I could think of the referendum when South Sudanese pulled together to make sure that the referendum took place.

Can they replicate the same level of common purpose to hold the elections? Well, that is up to the political parties and the leaders of South Sudan, and precisely why I’m making the call that I make today.

Are the elections urgent? They are as urgent as the South Sudanese want them to be. To be sure, if the parties were to agree to extend the period for the elections, they could do that as well. But that is not a decision that I think can be taken by outsiders or by the UN. And we really will take our lead from the South Sudanese as to how urgent and what priority they want to give to the elections.

Of course, there are some important processes which have to take place before elections can be held, at least as contemplated by the Peace Agreement. The new constitution, which will set out the arrangements by which South Sudanese live together, and this is a country in which people have divided violently twice in the last decade, it would be important at the end of the day for South Sudanese to come together and agree how you will live together and that takes place in the constitution-making — that difficult process has barely been started.

South Sudanese would also be required to compile some basis upon which the identification of voters could take place in the assurance that those who are voting haven’t voted somewhere else, or voting twice or 3 or 4 times, and there are many ways of trying to establish that kind of machinery, but at least one way contemplates the census or registration of voters and that would be a difficult process as well. So, a start needs to be made and it needs to be made urgently on those issues.

MEDIA: My question will actually be related to what has been asked; however, there’s clarification that I may also need. You are urging the parties to announce the formal elections. What are some of the elements that you will expect in the announcement of the formal elections?

SRSG: I think what is expected by the South Sudanese who will vote is some understanding of when the elections will take place, and an assessment as to whether the country is ready for elections. In my previous answer, what I neglected to mention, is that we place a great premium, not only on the technical conditions and preparations, but also on the political conditions where I think what my first question referred to as the right psychology in the country for holding elections. We think that also it has to be created and acceptable, and the political environment has to be of such a nature that South Sudanese people can engage in robust debate around their future, and of course, hopefully common agreement. The time of elections also is an opportunity for the country to celebrate its common values.

In my own country, South Africa, we had really important elections at our birth in 1994. They helped bring the country together and they were a nation-building moment. We would want elections in South Sudan to also be a nation-building moment and not a divisive one which triggers conflict.

I think the international community, which will be required to support the elections, also needs to know when the elections are likely to be held so that we can align and prioritize our support. But if we don’t have a date, then nobody will really commit to supporting the elections and the South Sudanese will not get into the frame of mind which is necessary for elections to be.

**MEDIA: **I’ve never heard your voice over the shrinking space of the media and of civil society. The last time the parliamentarians had issues with themselves, and the media was invited; nine journalists were detained and that was not the first time that happened. And I never heard you trying to add your voice to this because before we talked election, we need to talk of freedom of expression first and trust before we talk of the election.

So, what is your call to the Government so that they can actually look at freedom of expression before anything?

SRSG: I have addressed this topic many times and in fact, I never speak without talking about the importance of creating the political and civic space for political competition and the competition of ideas to take place. And I think obviously for that to take place, there has to be a measure of respect for freedom of expression. It’s unthinkable that you can have a free election if there is no freedom of expression. So, let me be clear on that.

MEDIA: In regard to intercommunal or tribal violence, do you have statistics of how many people were killed since January and up to June and how did it affect the Peace Agreement? How did the trouble of violence or conflict affect the Peace Agreement?

SRSG: I don’t have those figures with me, but we have collected those figures, so we will supply those two you afterwards; we can get your details. We tend to produce those figures in three-month quarterly reports, and we have very precise calculations that, based on our reporting, we’ve been able to compile. I can share with you that there has been approximately an 11 per cent drop in the overall casualties since this time last year. But there’s been a 500 per cent increase in reports of gender-based violence, so it’s not all happy news around a steady decline.

We are very concerned about the current levels of intercommunal violence, sometimes called subnational violence or militia-based violence, but we noticed that the causes are very different in different parts of South Sudan. There’s not a single cause of intercommunal violence. What’s happening around the fringes of the Abeyei is not the same as what’s happening in Central Equatoria or Western Bahr-El Ghazal or in Western Equatoria; but, we do know there’s been a surge more recently, simply the extent of the areas which have been affected by intercommunal violence, and we would want to hope that is not a signal that with elections and competition, there will be increased intercommunal violence. We think that all both political leaders, national leaders and local leaders have to work together to mitigate the levels of intercommunal violence that we now see.

MEDIA: What will be the impact of low oil production, increases in commodity prices in the market, and food assistance cuts announced recently by WFP, on peace and security?

In regard to the transitional period, with six months remaining to the end of the transitional period, in case that South Sudanese parties decided to extend the transitional period, what’s going to be the stand of UN or the international community?

You were talking about ways to mitigate the intercommunal or subnational violence. How can this be addressed when we have firearms in the hands of unauthorized people in the country? The UN, in other countries, has been supporting the government in other African countries in order to collect the firearms from unauthorized people. What are you going to do in this regard?

SRSG: The first question was generally to address the question of food insecurity and its impact on the country and on subnational violence. I think South Sudan is a very clear case where we see the connection between climate change and violence, and we see it mostly in the form of competition over scarce resources, diminution of grazing land caused by floods and other natural disasters. Not only does it generally render the population subject to a horrible humanitarian crisis, but it also sets communities against communities as they compete for less and less resources, including water and land. So, I think it requires all of us who want to help South Sudan as well as the South Sudanese to address the question of climate change, but also at the community level to address the question of how best to share resources in these difficult times. Is there a relationship between food insecurity and violence? Absolutely, and we see it more generally in the levels of anxiety among communities and people at the grassroots level as they worry about the survival of their children, and they worry about where they’re going to get their next meal. It also has an impact on rising levels of crime as people start to take the law into their own hands in order to get the wherewithal to survive.

Regarding the extension of the peace agreement — the time period of the peace agreement — we would acknowledge that if there is a postponement of the election which will require an extension of the peace agreement which will require, in turn, an amendment to the Peace Agreement. Now, the Peace Agreement itself makes provisions for the agreement to be amended. It is quite a complicated process. It goes to all the parties to sign the agreement first, then it goes to the cabinet, then it goes to RJMEC and then to the National Assembly for endorsement. That is quite a high set of requirements, and it requires the country to be more or less in concert and agreement, or for there to be a broad consensus on the need to extend the agreement.

In my view, I think the South Sudanese would be able to come together to make that decision to decide: no, we’re not going to extend, we will rather conduct elections in this environment; or to say this environment is not conducive for elections, we need to extend the period. Of course, it may give rise to debate as to how long the agreement must be extended, but that is why we precisely are asking for a Roadmap. Give us an idea as to how long and think about how long it will be necessary to extend the Peace Agreement so that we will have a clearer idea of the extension.

The final question really addressed the issue of subnational violence from the perspective of the imperative of disarmament. Disarmament, together with some other critical questions like demobilization and integration of former combatants is a complex question which has to be taken up through the politicians and agreed by South Sudanese as to how they would go about it. Disarmament requires a level of community support before it can be effective, and that requires consultation with communities. It requires politicians to engage with the communities to establish that support. It can be a fraught process if it doesn’t have that support, but I must say for myself — and I travelled to all 10 provinces in the course of my period here — it is a one demand which I’ve seen almost every community echo which is a need to reduce the level of armament, or the level of weapons present in society outside the hands of the state security structures. How you undertake that process is always going to be an important but critical question, and there are different ways of going about it. There is cash for guns which is known as the Liberian model. There is reduction of community violence, which is the model most of the international community would support. There is a demand by many South Sudanese that before there can be a successful disarmament process, we need to answer the question as to what happens to the demobilized soldiers. All of these questions require a proper and full public debate.

Is there support for it? I believe there is. But what we do know is that Community A does not want to give up its arms unless Community B also gives up its arms. So, it has to be a process which implicates everybody at the same time together.

MEDIA: I think all the questions are exhausted, but it is also good to wish Radio Miraya a happy birthday and it’s also good to welcome my former BBC colleague. Thank you, Ben, for being here. The question of election is a key question. I would like you to give us your own assessment of the implementation of the peace. Are you happy, as UNMISS, with the way how the peace process is going? If you are happy, what makes you happy about it; if not, why?

Secondly, with regards to elections, I’ve been reading that there are talks going on for the extension of the transitional period and you have already said South Sudanese can decide. In your opinion, as a peacekeeping mission, if elections were to be conducted, would it truly be free, fair and credible elections in this short period of time?

MEDIA: What are some of the arrangements or some of the preparations that you have done so far for this election coming after six months?

Then the second question is: we are now approaching the time of election and in some parts of the country many citizens are losing their lives. How possible is it for these innocent civilians who are dying to feel comfortable to participate in an election? And yet the political leaders are sometimes still complicating things in the other parts of the country. What is the UN saying about it?

SRSG: Let me take the last question. It’s not our job to prepare the elections. It’s the job of South Sudanese. We stand ready to assist and we’ve made it clear that if an invitation is extended to us to assist, we will assist. But I think it’s important to point out to South Sudanese that it is not for the foreigners to organize an election. There has to be national ownership of your own electoral process.

Let me deal with some of the other questions: am I happy with the peace implementation and the way it’s been undertaken? Quite frankly, we’ve made it clear we believe that the rate of implementation has been slow, and it now poses challenges to the adequate achievement to the benchmarks which are set out in the Peace Agreement and required to take place before the elections. We’ve made that clear and we’ve shared that view with the Government, and we’ve shared it with opposition parties that there needs to be a level of serious intent if they want to make the finishing line in time.

Should they decide to extend that period, that is not something which I want to comment on. That will have to be a decision taken by South Sudanese with the full knowledge of what they’re capable of, but I think also with a sense of responsibility for the decisions they take. Which is to say that we don’t want to fix a date for South Sudanese because they will say, “that’s the UN date”. We want the South Sudanese to say we’ve looked at what the process requires; we have developed a roadmap which contemplates the following benchmarks and timelines; we will be responsible for ensuring that those timelines are met, and not outsiders. That’s generally our approach on the question of who should be responsible for determining the roadmap.

We are more than willing to engage in the debates on the basis of comparative examples and our experiences to the time that’s required, but, at the end of the day, it must follow the process contemplated by the Peace Agreement itself for extending the period.

And then I was asked: is it possible for elections to be free and fair? As a general question, as an abstract question, it is certainly possible for elections to be free and fair in South Sudan. Do those conditions currently exist? That I am not sure of, and I believe that South Sudanese need to come together to establish what the political conditions would be for elections to take place.

I am aware that a number of parties believe that those conditions do not yet exist. That may be true as of June 2022. Is it possible to create those conditions? I believe it would be if there was goodwill and serious intent to do so.

Source: UN Mission in South Sudan